Unlike the vast majority of the planet, the high Arctic is an internationally neutral zone. No single country owns the Arctic; instead, it is divided among eight Arctic states: Canada, Denmark (via Greenland), Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, the US (via Alaska) and Russia, for land or water within 200 nautical miles of their coasts. The area beyond these Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs), including the North Pole, is considered international waters, which are open to all nations for navigation.
Crucially, much of the central Arctic Ocean’s seabed remains a subject of international law and competing claims, particularly regarding potential oil, gas and mineral resources. However, climate change has sparked an unusual level of activity in the remote region, with stewardship suddenly thrown into question due to the isolation of Russia over its war in Ukraine. The conflict has thrown the low-conflict status quo into jeopardy, threatening the cooperation which has existed since the end of the Cold War.
Russia’s latest Arctic strategy, outlined in its Arctic Strategy to 2035, focuses on assertive economic development, such as the Northern Sea Route, significant military buildup and solidifying federal control. Vladimir Putin is rapidly expanding his military presence there, reopening Cold War bases, increasing troop numbers and bolstering air defence to counter perceived NATO threats and protect his territory.
However, this is not the first time Moscow has sparked controversy in the Arctic region. On August 2, 2007, a Russian expedition, known as Arktika 2007, saw the first-ever crewed descent to the ocean floor at the North Pole. Six explorers, led by Artur Chilingarov, employed MIR submersibles. In addition to dropping a titanium tube containing the Russian flag, the team collected specimens of Arctic flora and fauna and reportedly recorded video of the dives.
The “North-Pole-35” (NP-35), a manned drifting ice station, was also established.
The move was orchestrated as part of the government’s plan to claim nearly half of the Arctic seabed, claiming the Lomonosov Ridge is an extension of Russia’s continental shelf and, therefore, Russian territory.
Russia’s foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, ignored criticism, saying that Russia’s claims were sound and, in time, could be established as fact: “The goal of this expedition is not to stake out Russia’s rights, but to prove that our shelf stretches up to the North Pole,” he said. “There are concrete scientific methods for this.”
Putin called the members of the mission to thank them personally, signifying the significance of the move. Then, in January 2008, three expedition members, including Chilingarov, were awarded the title Hero of the Russian Federation “for courage and heroism showed in extremal conditions and successful completion of High-Latitude Arctic Deep-Water Expedition”.
The move was met with criticism from other nations. Former Canadian Foreign Minister Peter MacKay said: “This isn’t the 15th century. You can’t go around the world and just plant flags and say ‘We’re claiming this territory’.”
Meanwhile, former US Department of State spokesman, Tom Casey, stated that planting the flag “doesn’t have any legal standing or effect on this claim”.
Then, in 2018, 14 Russian sailors were killed in a fire on a nuclear submarine on a top-secret mission below the North Pole. It later emerged that the nuclear-powered AS-12 sub, nicknamed Losharik, was spearheading Putin’s plan to lay claim to, and mine, fossil fuels and precious stones under the Arctic ice.
Even more recently, last October, Norway’s Defence Minister, Tore Sandvik, said his country was aware of increased weapons development on Russia’s Kola Peninsula. The peninsula is home to Russia’s Northern Fleet and is where part of the Kremlin’s nuclear arsenal is kept. Mr Sandvik also warned that Putin wanted to gain full naval control of the Arctic region, which would make it easier for Russia to cut off NATO’s access to major shipping routes that would help resupply Western forces in wartime.